But who would stop these doctors?
Almost a decade ago, the makings of today's medical scandal were clear and visible
In this book extract, Stephanie Davies-Arai is profiled as a leader among the women in the UK who stood up against trans ideology. The story of Ms Davies-Arai and her website Transgender Trend is intertwined with the exposure and downfall of the Tavistock’s London-based Gender Identity Development Service (GIDS). In 2022, she was awarded the British Empire Medal for services to children—Bernard Lane
Fiona McAnena
As she threw herself into Transgender Trend, Stephanie Davies-Arai became more and more alarmed at the lack of evidence and at the rapid growth in trans identification among young people, especially girls. It was the BBC that reported a shocking statistic about the growth in referrals to GIDS, which were published annually. The year to March 2016 showed a 100 per cent increase. The old pattern of mostly boys had changed, too. For the first time, it was more girls than boys.
Since the medical interventions were all happening in this one national clinic, Stephanie decided she needed to get to know them—
“I knew they had connections with the transactivist group Mermaids and I thought, I will establish a relationship with them too. My role will be as a ‘critical friend’. Maybe they would listen to me as an organisation for parents of these children. I think I was quite naïve in retrospect.”
Her first chance came when she heard about a seminar in Cambridge called “Gender Non-Conforming Children: Treatment Dilemmas in Puberty Suppression”. It was presented by Dr Bernadette Wren, Head of Psychology at the GIDS clinic. Stephanie didn’t see herself as an antagonist or a protester. She felt she had legitimate concerns that people working in the clinic would want to hear, so she registered and went along.
Her report of the event on the Transgender Trend website shows that the GIDS approach was relatively cautious back then. Dr Wren reported that 18 per cent of their referred patients were autistic compared with 1 per cent of the population. She said that most children desisted, that is, they stopped thinking they were the other sex, but that they couldn’t tell which children would persist in believing they were trans and which would desist. She mentioned that desistance was a lot lower among those children referred to the gender clinic.
Dr Wren did not, in her talk, address the question that seemed obvious to Stephanie: whether this meant the children at the clinic were somehow the “right” candidates for transition, or whether being affirmed as trans, and perhaps being put on puberty blockers, might solidify their belief that they were in the wrong body?
There was much musing about what was going on, admitting that they did not know what the long-term health effects of puberty blockers might be. But still, Bernadette Wren talked in a matter-of-fact way about puberty blockers and cross-sex hormones as if blocking a child’s puberty was as normal as treating a migraine.
She reported tension between her team and some pro-trans advocacy groups, especially in their use of the “suicide narrative, scaring children and parents into demanding puberty blockers.” She said those groups were pushing for treatment-on-demand based on self-identification. Meaning that if a child says they are “trans”, they should be able to go to the clinic and get puberty blockers, and later, cross-sex hormones, just on their say-so. It was all there, in 2016.
Stephanie stood up and asked Dr Wren what evidence they had that puberty blocking was the best approach, and how they could determine which children would persist and which would simply grow out of their belief and be happy with their birth sex. The answers gave her no assurance. They just did not appear to know.
It wasn’t hostile but it was a bit uncomfortable, everyone squirming a little because the lovely supportive atmosphere of the event was suddenly spoiled. Stephanie knew that asking the question would create that discomfort but she felt it was essential that the audience got to hear the questions and the lack of answers.
Afterwards, she approached Bernadette Wren to speak to her. Another person, who said they were the parent of an adult trans son, was asking questions and Stephanie listened to Dr Wren’s answers. It was a sobering moment. “I came away from that seminar thinking, Why don’t you just stop then? If you don’t know what the outcomes are, why don’t you just stop!”
She’d heard from the supposed experts but had still seen no evidence to support either the idea that some children were transgender or that blocking their puberty would help them. She felt so strongly that it was wrong. But it looked like no one was going to stop these doctors.
This is an extract from Fiona McAnena’s new book Terf Island: How the UK Resisted Trans Ideology, $A39.95, published by Spinifex Press
There was much musing about what was going on, admitting that they did not know what the long-term health effects of puberty blockers might be . . . . . . . .
1. Amsterdam Cohort of Gender Dysphoria Study (1972–2017)
Key Finding: While suicide risk in transgender individuals is higher than in the general population, this risk remains consistent across all stages of transition. The study noted no significant increase in suicide risk over time, and in some cases, a decrease in trans women.
2. Long-Term Follow-Up of Transsexual Persons in Sweden (1973–2023)
Key Finding: Individuals who underwent sex reassignment surgery exhibited substantially higher risks of mortality, suicidal behaviour, and psychiatric conditions compared to the general population.
3. Suicide Mortality Among Adolescents in Finland (1996–2019)
Key Finding: Gender dysphoria alone did not predict mortality or suicide among adolescents referred to gender clinics. Psychiatric comorbidities were the primary predictors of mortality & medical gender reassignment didn’t mitigate suicide risk.
4. Somatic Morbidity and Cause of Death in Denmark (1978–2010)
Key Finding: Among individuals who underwent SRS, somatic morbidity increased from 19.1% pre-surgery to 23.2% post-surgery, with a mortality rate of 9.6%. The average age at death was 53.5 years.
5.Examining gender-specific mental health risks after gender-affirming surgery: a national database study
Key finding: From 107,583 patients, matched cohorts demonstrated that those undergoing surgery were at significantly higher risk for depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation, and substance disorders than those without surgery
6. Mortality trends over five decades in adult transgender people receiving hormone treatment: Amsterdam cohort of gender dysphoria
Key Finding: This observational study showed an increased mortality risk in transgender people using hormone treatment, regardless of treatment type. This increased mortality risk did not decrease over time
6. Transition as Treatment: The Best Studies Show the Worst Outcomes
Key Findings: Total mortality was 51% higher than in the general population, mainly from suicide, AIDS, CVS diseases, drug abuse and unknown causes
7. Risk of Suicide and Self-Harm Following Gender-Affirmation Surgery
Key Finding: Patients who have undergone gender-affirming surgery are associated with a significantly elevated risk of suicide, highlighting the necessity for comprehensive post-procedure psychiatric support.
8. The Fall of the Nation's First Gender-Affirming Surgery Clinic
Key Finding: Johns Hopkins Hospital established the first gender-affirming surgery (GAS) clinic in the United States in 1966. Operating for more than 13 years, the clinic was abruptly closed in 1979. According to the hospital, the decision was made in response to objective evidence claiming that GAS was ineffective.
9. Misrepresentations evidence in “gender-affirming care is preventative care”
Key Finding: If claim such as “Gender-affirming care is preventative care”—are to be published in highly influential medical journals, it is of paramount ethical importance that they are accompanied by accurate, transparent, verifiable, and honest interpretations of the evidence used to support them. Without this, such claims constitute nothing more than misleading and discrediting ideological dogma.
10. Quality of life 15 years after sex reassignment surgery for transsexualism
Key Finding: Fifteen years after sex reassignment the quality of life is lower in the domains general health, role limitation, physical limitation & personal limitation.
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